The Rebel States have still an anti-national policy. Besides, the disabilities imposed upon all are necessarily without that bitter and stinging element of invidiousness which attaches to disfranchisement in a republic. Nations, not less than individuals, reap as they sow. The lamb may not be trusted with the wolf. All this and more is true of these loyal negroes. PDF An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffr age - ortn.edu African American Pamphlet Collection (Library of Congress). Men are so constituted that they largely derive their ideas of their abilities and their possibilities from the settled judgements of their fellow-men, and especially from such as they read in the institutions under which they live. You shudder to-day at the harvest of blood sown in the spring-time of the Republic by your patriot fathers. It must cease to recognize the old slave-masters as the only competent persons to rule the South. It must cause national ideas and objects to take the lead and control the politics of those States. Besides, the disabilities imposed upon all are necessarily without that bitter and stinging element of invidiousness which attaches to disfranchisement in a republic. Something, too, might be said of national gratitude. But suffrage for the negro, while easily sustained upon abstract principles, demands consideration upon what are recognized as the urgent necessities of the case. Unit 3 Test: Selected and Short Response Flashcards | Quizlet LC copy formerly part of YA Collection: YA 15708. A nation might well hesitate before the temptation to betray its allies. Frederick Douglass with his second wife Helen Pitts and her sister Eva appeal to moderate voters despite the parties' ideological orientation. Can that statesmanship be wise which would leave the negro good ground to hesitate, when the exigencies of the country required his prompt assistance? If the doctrine that taxation should go hand in hand with representation can be appealed to in behalf of recent traitors and rebels, may it not properly be asserted in behalf of a people who have ever been loyal and faithful to the government? Congress must supplant the evident sectional tendencies of the South by national dispositions and tendencies. It is to save the people of the South from themselves, and the nation from detriment on their account. They are able, vigilant, devoted. Find the collection. Yet, as Douglass explains, citizenship has no meaning without the right to vote. Douglass, Anna Murray, -1882, - History is said to repeat itself, and, if so, having wanted the negro once, we may want him again. But in a country like ours, where men of all nations, kindred, and tongues are freely enfranchised, and allowed to vote, to say to the negro, You shall not vote, is to deal his manhood a staggering blow, and to burn into his soul a bitter and goading sense of wrong, or else work in him a stupid indifference to all the elements of a manly character. Statesmen, beware what you do. The South will comply with any conditions but suffrage for the negro. Statesmen of America! Collapse All | Expand All An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage Frederick Douglass Atlantic Monthly January 1867 An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage 5 0 obj the king of England. Which of the following sentences from the essay "An Appeal - Kunduz It is true that, notwithstanding their alleged ignorance, they were wiser than their masters, and knew enough to be loyal, while those masters only knew enough to be rebels and traitors. Review Us. The answers to these questions are too obvious to require statement. They are too numerous and useful to be colonized, and too enduring and self-perpetuating to disappear by natural causes. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenseless, the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinence to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. ? A character is demanded of him, and here as elsewhere demand favors supply. He is a man, and by every fact and argument by which any man can sustain his right to vote, the negro can sustain his right equally. These facts speak to the better dispositions of the human heart; but they seem of little weight with the opponents of impartial suffrage. In its pages African American studies intellectuals, community activists, and national and international political leaders come to grips with basic issues confronting black America and Africa. Return to the Frederick Douglass library Casting aside all thought of justice and magnanimity, is it wise to impose upon the negro all the burdens involved in sustaining government against foes within and foes without, to make him equal sharer in all sacrifices for the public good, to tax him in peace and conscript him in war, and then coldly exclude him from the ballot-box? This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. We have crushed the Rebellion, but not its hopes or its malign purposes. Wagoner, Henry O.--Correspondence, - The doctrine that some men have no rights that others are bound to respect, is a doctrine which we must banish as we have banished slavery, from which it emanated. Many daring exploits will be told to their credit. Hardships, services, sufferings, and sacrifices are all waived. (Susan Brownell), 1820-1906--Correspondence, - Is not Austria wise in removing all ground of complaint against her on the part of Hungary? The South will comply with any conditions but suffrage for the negro. It is true that, in many of the rebellious States, they were almost the only reliable friends the nation had throughout the whole tremendous war. Nor can we afford to endure the moral blight which the existence of a degraded and hated class must necessarily inflict upon any people among whom such a class may exist. Look across the sea. rhet terms Flashcards | Quizlet beware of what you do. Give the negro the elective franchise, and you give him at once a powerful motive for all noble exertion, and make him a man among men. What O'Connell said of the history of Ireland may with greater truth be said of the negro's. Yet the negroes have marvellously survived all the exterminating forces of slavery, and have emerged at the end of two hundred and fifty years of bondage, not morose, misanthropic, and revengeful, but cheerful, hopeful, and forgiving. Go here for more about FrederickDouglass' Appeal toCongress for ImpartialSuffrage. Griffiths, Julia, -1895--Correspondence, - For in respect to this grand measure it is the good fortune of the negro that enlightened selfishness, not less than justice, fights on his side. The answer plainly is, they see in this policy the only hope of saving something of their old sectional peculiarities and power. The answer plainly is, they see in this policy the only hope of saving something of their old sectional peculiarities and power. Page 1 of "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" His right to a participation in the production and operation of government is in inference from his nature, as direct and self-evident as is his right to acquire property or education. You have read "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" by If black men have no rights in the eyes of white men, of course the whites can have none in the eyes of the blacks. And does not the Emperor of Russia act wisely, as well as generously, when he not only breaks up the bondage of the serf, but extends him all the advantages of Russian citizenship? Peace to the country has literally meant war to the loyal men of the South, white and black; and negro suffrage is the measure to arrest and put an end to that dreadful strife. The result is a war of races, and the annihilation of all proper human relations. But no such appeal shall be relied on here. Douglass, Frederick. 30 seconds. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. Something, too, might be said of national gratitude. But in a country like ours, where men of all nations, kindred, and tongues are freely enfranchised, and allowed to vote, to say to the negro, You shall not vote, is to deal his manhood a staggering blow, and to burn into his soul a bitter and goading sense of wrong, or else work in him a stupid indifference to all the elements of a manly character. An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage "Statesmen, beware what you do. What is common to all works no special sense of degradation to any. However, I noticed that all three sources relate to three civil right movements and they are all trying to help the black community. It early mastered the Constitution, became superior to the Union, and enthroned itself above the law. Massachusetts and South Carolina may draw tears from the eyes of our tender-hearted President by walking arm in arm into his Philadelphia Convention, but a citizen of Massachusetts is still an alien in the Palmetto State. The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. Casting aside all thought of justice and magnanimity, is it wise to impose upon the negro all the burdens involved in sustaining government against foes within and foes without, to make him equal sharer in all sacrifices for the public good, to tax him in peace and conscript him in war, and then coldly exclude him from the ballot-box? There is that, all over the south, which frightens Yankee industry, capital, and skill from its borders. Find an answer to your question Language Development: Convention and Style-from "Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," Frederick Douglass I need this pl NarminZan20 NarminZan20 01/07/2021 They now stand before Congress and the country, not complaining of the past, but simply asking for a better future. Page includes two illustrations showing African Americans celebrating the abolition of slavery in Washington, D.C. and portrait of Henry A. Smythe, newly appointed Collector of Customs of New York; also includes articles http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/ms000009.mss11879.00602, View Frederick Douglass Papers Finding Aid, Frederick Douglass Papers: Speech, Article, and Book File, 1846 to 1894; Speeches, Articles, and Other Writings Attributed to Frederick or Helen Pitts Douglass, 1881 to 1887, Frederick Douglass Papers at the Library of Congress. As you members of the Thirty-ninth Congress decide, will the country be peaceful, united, and happy, or troubled, divided, and miserable. To appreciate the full force of this argument, it must be observed, that disfranchisement in a republican government based upon the idea of human equality and universal suffrage, is a very different thing from disfranchisement in governments based upon the idea of the divine right of kings, or the entire subjugation of the masses. 1973 Taylor & Francis, Ltd. What, then, is the work before Congress? Anaphora. beware what you do. As a nation, we cannot afford to have amongst us either this indifference and stupidity, or that burning sense of wrong. It is enough that the possession and exercise of the elective franchise is in itself an appeal to the nobler elements of endobj ' A nation might well hesitate before the temptation to betray its allies. Question 1. Is the existence of a rebellious element in our borderswhich New Orleans, Memphis, and Texas show to be only disarmed, but at heart as malignant as ever, only waiting for an opportunity to reassert itself with fire and sworda reason for leaving four millions of the nations truest friends with just cause of complaint against the Federal government? Massachusetts and South Carolina may draw tears from the eyes of our tender-hearted President by walking arm in arm into his Philadelphia Convention, but a citizen of Massachusetts is still an alien in the Palmetto State. It is to save the people of the South from themselves, and the nation from detriment on their account. Can that statesmanship be wise which would leave the negro good ground to hesitate, when the exigencies of the country required his prompt assistance? The young men of the South burn with the desire to regain what they call the lost cause; the women are noisily malignant towards the Federal government. Arming the negro was an urgent military necessity three years ago, are we sure that another quite as pressing may not await us? Plainly enough, the peace not less than the prosperity of this country is involved in the great measure of impartial suffrage. JFIF H H Exif MM * b j( 1 r2 i We have crushed the Rebellion, but not its hopes or its malign purposes. The first primary source on Frederick Douglass. We have thus far only gained a Union without unity, marriage without love, victory without peace. National interest and national duty, if elsewhere separated, are firmly united here. or will you profit by the blood-bought wisdom all round you, and forever expel every vestige of the old abomination from our national borders? If the doctrine that taxation should go hand in hand with representation can be appealed to in behalf of recent traitors and rebels, may it not properly be asserted in behalf of a people who have ever been loyal and faithful to the government? Men are so constituted that they largely derive their ideas of their abilities and their possibilities from the settled judgments of their fellow-men, and especially from such as they read in the institutions under which they live. Was not the nation stronger when two hundred thousand sable soldiers were hurled against the Rebel fortifications, than it would have been without them? The hope of gaining by politics what they lost by the sword, is the secret of all this Southern unrest; and that hope must be extinguished before national ideas and objects can take full possession of the Southern mind. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenceless,-the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinency to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling H H JFIF H H Adobe_CM Adobe d The American people can, perhaps, afford to brave the censure of surrounding nations for the manifest injustice and meanness of excluding its faithful black soldiers from the ballot-box, but it cannot afford to allow the moral and mental energies of rapidly increasing millions to be consigned to hopeless degradation. The dreadful calamities of the past few years came not by accident, nor unbidden, from the ground. Sprague, Rosetta Douglass--Correspondence, - The soil is in readiness, and the seedtime has come. But in a country like ours, where men of all nations, kindred, and tongues are freely enfranchised, and allowed to vote, to say to the negro, You shall not vote, is to deal his manhood a staggering blow, and to burn into his soul a bitter and goading sense of wrong, or else work in him a stupid indifference to all the elements of a manly character. It must cease to recognize the old slave-masters as the only competent persons to rule the South. win the trust of an increasingly mistrustful electorate. Q. This ends the case. Nor can we afford to endure the moral blight which the existence of a degraded and hated class must necessarily inflict upon any people among whom such a class may exist. her fellow suffragettes. answer choices the president of the United States. If these bless them, they are blest indeed; but if these blast them, they are blasted indeed. We want no longer any heavy-footed, melancholy service from the negro. The young men of the South burn with the desire to regain what they call the lost cause; the women are noisily malignant towards the Federal government. It must cause national ideas and objects to take the lead and control the politics of those States. King Cotton is deposed, but only deposed, and is ready to-day to reassert all his ancient pretensions upon the first favorable opportunity.